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Democracy and Constitution
By DR FAROOQ HASSAN
The
general is plainly wrong when he maintains
consistently that there is democracy in Pakistan! In
his conception of democracy there is the
consolidation of offices of the army chief and the
presidency. Even more bizarre is the realisation
that in any living democratic country these two
offices are really powerless to determine the
outcome of any contentious matter involving
political issues. These are after all politically
non-significant jobs; one is a ceremonial post the
other one being one involves merely professionalism.
Yet in Pakistan these positions have acquired a
significance which is impossible to deny.
General Musharraf has fundamentally become quite
transparent. He is further fooling nobody when he
says that every thing is done according to the
constitution. His conception of a constitution is
the document through which his rule became
personalised. Through his self-serving and
self-crafted ‘legal instruments’ he stayed on as the
head of the country’s armed forces for nearly a
decade as well as a head of state since the day he
engineered a coup on October 12, 1999. No wonder his
immensely talkative once Information Minister and
now in-charge of running the nation’s railways said
on November 01 that the constitution is like a nose
of wax that should be moulded as one pleases.
Now we are told that he would leave the army
position ‘if’ he is ‘elected’ as president;
factually this would be for the third time whereas
the constitution under Article 44 (2) provides that
none can keep this office for more than twice! Most
astonishingly he is insisting that he took such
decisions in national interests.
I have the admiration for our Supreme Court and I
would always have the privilege of filing the first
petition against the reference filed against the
Chief Justice in March. His lawyers filed their case
nearly three weeks later than my matter was filed.
Since then the courts’ performance has been
impressive from the perspectives of the human rights
philosophy. For first time in this country’s history
it now matters what the court may actually decide.
This is the success of democracy. In this phase of
our national catharsis the role of the media is
always going to be memorable as well. In all these
courts matter the losing side had the blessings of
the general since his conception of power and
authorities are at odds with that of known norms of
jurisprudence.
Cooley, according to many authorities the greatest
juristic author in the field of constitutional law
has said that ‘constitutions’ were made to ‘limit’
executive authorities of despotic European monarchs
over three hundred years ago. The retention or the
fixation of the tenure of constitutional posts
cannot as such be left, as a matter of
constitutional principle, to the wishes of the
current incumbents! I have not come across such
provisions in any written constitutions examined by
me to evaluate the comparative integrity of this
strange assertion that it is for the incumbent of a
military post to determine when he would say it is
enough! Even the constitutions of Adolph Hitler and
Mussolini did not give them any such powers to hold
on to any post regardless of any limitations!
No definition of any age by any philosopher or
jurist worth his name, can possibly justify such a
fallacious assertion that a serving army general is
the best guarantee of democracy. Two former chiefs
of the army in Nigeria and Indonesia are in
presently in power but long after they had left
their offices and after they were duly elected under
the normal constitutional practice in those
countries! The oddest aspect of this controversy
being that while talking of ‘democracy’ and
‘national interests’ the simple truth is that the
general has never been ‘elected’ himself under the
popularly understood conception of this matter.
In a country where the constitution’s displacement
itself is often ‘protected’ by resorts to theories
such as public or state ‘necessities’, it is not
realistic to contemplate that such niceties of
civilised peoples would be observed. Talking of
‘civilised’ brings to mind a statement that should
forever haunt Musharraf. As COAS and the president
he labelled the present parliament ‘uncivilised’ in
2002. If the parliament, ex hypothesis, is
uncivilised can we have any democracy at all in the
country? But this body of ‘ancient privileges’, the
national parliament which is an assembly of
graduates, did precisely elect him from being the
COAS as president on October 6, 2007. What can you
say about such an assembly?
While thinking of such issues one must also mention
that it is widely reported that the government may
now impose emergency, if not martial law, if the
Supreme Court’s verdict is somehow unconformable for
the general. Several ministers have said that the
government is all set to enforce emergency in case
SC announces its decision after November 15, when
the assemblies will be no more there and president
also will be required to shed his uniform. It is
also said that there is a greater likelihood of
emergency imposition before the SC’s decision. If
this occurs the first causality will be the
forthcoming elections now due in the middle of
January next year.
Once emergency is imposed under Article 232 of the
constitution, the tenure of national assembly will
be extended with the federal government assuming all
powers along with the dismantling of political
governments in the provinces. The powers will be
transferred to the governors in the provinces while
the political elements can be completely isolated.
Musharraf may keep a minimum of political facade,
engaging political leaders at both centre and in
provinces. The idea is to form small governments at
the centre and provinces including the political
leaders. It is learnt that the government is
deliberating upon a legal framework through which
the inclusion of pliable political elements in the
future governments will be made possible. What will
happen to those who do not agree? We shall soon see
when the Mian Nawaz Sharif arrives after and as a
result of the orders of the Supreme Court.
What about the spirit of the constitution even if it
is arguably possible under the current constitution
to impose an emergency? The government has by one
school of thought taken the US government into
confidence over the imposition of emergency in
Pakistan in view of the uncertainty and prevailing
law and order situation in NWFP. The US had publicly
opposed to any idea of imposition of emergency and
delay of elections, but is now said to be more
willing since the troubles began in Swat. Or were
they started with this objective? However, on
November 02 Condoleezza Rice while in Ireland and
President Bush in Washington said that the American
government would oppose any such moves.
To compound the murky national political landscape
on November 01 Benazir Bhutto too has left the
country for Dubai, probably foreseeing what is in
store in Pakistan; or is her departure based on the
realisation that if the Reconciliation Ordinance is
declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court next
week she may well be arrested as the country’s
junior information has recently said. For the time
being the political leaders even the Chaudhrys have
gone in the background except for the frequent
tirades of the Punjab chief minister who is aspiring
to become the next prime minister as well.
If however the SC verdict is against Musharraf then
he may well take some extra constitutional steps to
buy sometime for political manoeuvring to secure his
stay in the presidency for the next five years. In
this scenario there would be a different Electoral
College for the election of the president after the
next election. Musharraf would then try to contest
for another term but that too would be called into
question in a court of law. His problems are thus
far deeper than just contesting. The strategy would
then be to undo through a constitutional amendment
the mandatory post-service two-year bar on
government servants from taking part in politics or
getting elected as member of the national or
provincial assembly. Getting two-thirds majority in
future parliament to amend the constitution as
desired seems very implausible! All such steps would
be immediately challenged in the Supreme Court.
Thus the only certainty I see is that lawyers and
the law is destined to play a continuing role in the
body politic of this country. Musharraf’s actions
would be challenged qua any bar to the enforcement
of fundamental rights or an emergency imposition per
se or any other step that the general may take to
undercut the prospect of free elections or his own
departure from this country or at least from his
current self assumed responsibilities of state! |
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